University Of Tehran PressSocial Theories of Muslim Thinkers2538-524015320250923Shi'i Authority within the Nation and the Ummah: National and Transnational Actions of Ayatollah Borujerdi during the Second Pahlavi EraShi'i Authority within the Nation and the Ummah: National and Transnational Actions of Ayatollah Borujerdi during the Second Pahlavi Era11910241910.22059/jstmt.2025.393404.1783FAMohsenAminPhD in Cultural Sociology, Allameh Tabataba’i University, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20250421During the Second Pahlavi era, the Qom Seminary faced unique challenges. Ayatollah Borujerdi assumed dual responsibilities: preserving and expanding the heritage of the newly established seminary, while also responding to the non-religious and anti-religious policies of the Pahlavi state and its allies. Applying the method of historical sociology, this study explores the approach of Shi'i authority in relation to state policies and the actions of other political and intellectual forces by analyzing Borujerdi’s speeches and conduct within the broader context of socio-political developments. Findings indicate that Borujerdi adopted a dual strategy. Domestically, through a policy of “reminding and negotiating,” he positioned himself as a representative of the religious institution vis-à-vis other forces. Transnationally, by advancing the strategy of Ummatism, he consolidated Shi'i authority within the broader Islamic community and reinforced his domestic influence through international connections. His national and transnational initiatives effectively countered the competing projects of “Iran without Islam” and “Iranian Islam,” thereby contributing to the convergence of Iranians around Islam as a central pillar of national identity.During the Second Pahlavi era, the Qom Seminary faced unique challenges. Ayatollah Borujerdi assumed dual responsibilities: preserving and expanding the heritage of the newly established seminary, while also responding to the non-religious and anti-religious policies of the Pahlavi state and its allies. Applying the method of historical sociology, this study explores the approach of Shi'i authority in relation to state policies and the actions of other political and intellectual forces by analyzing Borujerdi’s speeches and conduct within the broader context of socio-political developments. Findings indicate that Borujerdi adopted a dual strategy. Domestically, through a policy of “reminding and negotiating,” he positioned himself as a representative of the religious institution vis-à-vis other forces. Transnationally, by advancing the strategy of Ummatism, he consolidated Shi'i authority within the broader Islamic community and reinforced his domestic influence through international connections. His national and transnational initiatives effectively countered the competing projects of “Iran without Islam” and “Iranian Islam,” thereby contributing to the convergence of Iranians around Islam as a central pillar of national identity.https://jstmt.ut.ac.ir/article_102419_66a6137e129ec6e2a9de8545de0093c7.pdfUniversity Of Tehran PressSocial Theories of Muslim Thinkers2538-524015320250923The Role of the Virtuous City in the Acquisition of Moral Virtue According to FarabiThe Role of the Virtuous City in the Acquisition of Moral Virtue According to Farabi203710352110.22059/jstmt.2025.394618.1789FAFaezehHajihosseiniMA in Philosophy, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.MustafaZaliAssistant Professor of Philosophy, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20250411In Farabi’s philosophical framework, theoretical virtue constitutes the foundation of the four cardinal virtues, with moral virtue occupying a central role. However, acquiring moral virtues depends on human agency, as actions performed unintentionally are not considered virtuous. Moreover, the attainment of primary intellectual principles necessary for theoretical virtue is not universally within human control. Consequently, achieving virtue appears inaccessible to all individuals.Using a descriptive-analytical method, this study examines the different types of virtue in Farabi’s philosophy, highlighting the foundational role of theoretical virtue and exploring whether moral virtue can be attained despite its dependence on theoretical virtue and the involuntary nature of acquiring its principles. The analysis focuses on innate disposition (fitra) and the Active Intellect as key obstacles to universal virtue. Natural differences in innate disposition and in individuals’ capacities to engage with the Active Intellect indicate that virtue cannot be achieved solely through personal effort. To address these limitations, Farabi proposes a political solution: the establishment of a virtuous city governed by a ruler of high theoretical and practical virtue. Through education, training, and legislation, the ruler can guide citizens toward moral virtue. Education transmits theoretical concepts via persuasive and imaginative discourse, while training cultivates virtuous behavior through practice and reinforcement. This civic and political framework enables the attainment of moral virtue and varying degrees of happiness, compensating for natural disparities among individuals without eliminating them.In Farabi’s philosophical framework, theoretical virtue constitutes the foundation of the four cardinal virtues, with moral virtue occupying a central role. However, acquiring moral virtues depends on human agency, as actions performed unintentionally are not considered virtuous. Moreover, the attainment of primary intellectual principles necessary for theoretical virtue is not universally within human control. Consequently, achieving virtue appears inaccessible to all individuals.Using a descriptive-analytical method, this study examines the different types of virtue in Farabi’s philosophy, highlighting the foundational role of theoretical virtue and exploring whether moral virtue can be attained despite its dependence on theoretical virtue and the involuntary nature of acquiring its principles. The analysis focuses on innate disposition (fitra) and the Active Intellect as key obstacles to universal virtue. Natural differences in innate disposition and in individuals’ capacities to engage with the Active Intellect indicate that virtue cannot be achieved solely through personal effort. To address these limitations, Farabi proposes a political solution: the establishment of a virtuous city governed by a ruler of high theoretical and practical virtue. Through education, training, and legislation, the ruler can guide citizens toward moral virtue. Education transmits theoretical concepts via persuasive and imaginative discourse, while training cultivates virtuous behavior through practice and reinforcement. This civic and political framework enables the attainment of moral virtue and varying degrees of happiness, compensating for natural disparities among individuals without eliminating them.https://jstmt.ut.ac.ir/article_103521_1b65daf17c1edad35fd565bb52e7f36b.pdfUniversity Of Tehran PressSocial Theories of Muslim Thinkers2538-524015320250923Explanation of Mystical Concepts of the Islamic Revolution from the Perspective of Seyyed Morteza AviniExplanation of Mystical Concepts of the Islamic Revolution from the Perspective of Seyyed Morteza Avini385510242010.22059/jstmt.2025.390520.1776FAHosseinEbrahimiPhD student in Islamic Revolution Political Studies at Shahed University, Tehran, Iran.AbbasKeshavarz ShokriProfessor, Department of Political Science, shahed University, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20250214Mysticism, as a profound spiritual school and a key movement within Iranian culture, has played a significant role in the political and social developments of Iran. The Islamic Revolution was not merely a political upheaval but a spiritual awakening and an inner transformation in which mystical and philosophical dimensions were manifested. Understanding the relationship between mysticism and the Islamic Revolution enables a more comprehensive grasp of the Revolution’s various dimensions and its impact on the Shia community and Iranian society. Seyyed Morteza Avini, as one of the intellectual elites of this period, addressed this phenomenon from a deep mystical perspective. This article examines Avini’s approach to the Revolution through the lens of mysticism and religiosity, showing how this framework enriches our understanding of the Revolution and its message. The theoretical foundation of the study is rooted in mystical thought. Avini considered the Revolution a manifestation of divine love and a quest for truth, wherein people returned to their essence and sought to realize divine values. The study employs an analytical-descriptive method, drawing on three of Avini’s works—<em>A Beginning at an End, Snails Without a Home, and Governance of the Wise</em>. Through textual interpretation, this research identifies connections between mystical ideas and the Revolution. The findings reveal that Avini’s mystical approach not only distinguishes the Islamic Revolution from other global revolutions but also emphasizes inner transformation, monotheism, the interplay between love and reason, and divine encounter. For Avini, the Revolution transcends political change, constituting a spiritual journey and mystical ascent. He outlines stages of mystical ascent in politics—self-awareness, migration, struggle, and guardianship—suggesting that the Revolution is an opportunity for returning to one’s essence and achieving a deeper understanding of life’s meaning and purpose.Mysticism, as a profound spiritual school and a key movement within Iranian culture, has played a significant role in the political and social developments of Iran. The Islamic Revolution was not merely a political upheaval but a spiritual awakening and an inner transformation in which mystical and philosophical dimensions were manifested. Understanding the relationship between mysticism and the Islamic Revolution enables a more comprehensive grasp of the Revolution’s various dimensions and its impact on the Shia community and Iranian society. Seyyed Morteza Avini, as one of the intellectual elites of this period, addressed this phenomenon from a deep mystical perspective. This article examines Avini’s approach to the Revolution through the lens of mysticism and religiosity, showing how this framework enriches our understanding of the Revolution and its message. The theoretical foundation of the study is rooted in mystical thought. Avini considered the Revolution a manifestation of divine love and a quest for truth, wherein people returned to their essence and sought to realize divine values. The study employs an analytical-descriptive method, drawing on three of Avini’s works—<em>A Beginning at an End, Snails Without a Home, and Governance of the Wise</em>. Through textual interpretation, this research identifies connections between mystical ideas and the Revolution. The findings reveal that Avini’s mystical approach not only distinguishes the Islamic Revolution from other global revolutions but also emphasizes inner transformation, monotheism, the interplay between love and reason, and divine encounter. For Avini, the Revolution transcends political change, constituting a spiritual journey and mystical ascent. He outlines stages of mystical ascent in politics—self-awareness, migration, struggle, and guardianship—suggesting that the Revolution is an opportunity for returning to one’s essence and achieving a deeper understanding of life’s meaning and purpose.https://jstmt.ut.ac.ir/article_102420_ada376c402ed3b9b2eede2594bd56da1.pdfUniversity Of Tehran PressSocial Theories of Muslim Thinkers2538-524015320250923The Relationship Between Social Structure and Culture in Robert Wuthnow’s Theory and Its Critique from the Perspective of Ali Shariati’s ThoughtThe Relationship Between Social Structure and Culture in Robert Wuthnow’s Theory and Its Critique from the Perspective of Ali Shariati’s Thought567510352210.22059/jstmt.2025.397100.1800FAAlirezaKowsarniaMA in Philosophy of Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.HoseinHaj MohamadiAssistant Professor, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20250510The relationship between culture and social structure has long been a central debate in sociology: Do social conditions generate culture, or does culture itself drive structural transformation? Some scholars regard culture as the outcome of structure, while others emphasize its transformative role. Robert Wuthnow, adopting an objective approach, treats culture not as a subjective phenomenon but as a tangible and observable product. He explains the connection between ideology and structure within a theoretical framework, though structural factors tend to dominate despite his attention to human agency and the concept of “moral order.” In contrast, Ali Shariati conceptualizes the culture–structure relationship as reciprocal and dialectical. While acknowledging the influence of structure on culture, he also emphasizes culture’s capacity to reshape structure. This article analyzes Wuthnow’s cultural theory and critiques it from the perspective of Shariati’s dialectical thought, demonstrating that although Wuthnow attempts to transcend reductionist explanations, his theory ultimately leans toward structural determinism. Shariati, by contrast, offers a more comprehensive interpretation of the mutual interaction between culture and structure.The relationship between culture and social structure has long been a central debate in sociology: Do social conditions generate culture, or does culture itself drive structural transformation? Some scholars regard culture as the outcome of structure, while others emphasize its transformative role. Robert Wuthnow, adopting an objective approach, treats culture not as a subjective phenomenon but as a tangible and observable product. He explains the connection between ideology and structure within a theoretical framework, though structural factors tend to dominate despite his attention to human agency and the concept of “moral order.” In contrast, Ali Shariati conceptualizes the culture–structure relationship as reciprocal and dialectical. While acknowledging the influence of structure on culture, he also emphasizes culture’s capacity to reshape structure. This article analyzes Wuthnow’s cultural theory and critiques it from the perspective of Shariati’s dialectical thought, demonstrating that although Wuthnow attempts to transcend reductionist explanations, his theory ultimately leans toward structural determinism. Shariati, by contrast, offers a more comprehensive interpretation of the mutual interaction between culture and structure.https://jstmt.ut.ac.ir/article_103522_9f21c5eac618cc3d6594a459c3119b39.pdfUniversity Of Tehran PressSocial Theories of Muslim Thinkers2538-524015320250923Examining Khwaja Nasir al-Din Tusi’s Theory of Affection-Justice and Its Role in Social ControlExamining Khwaja Nasir al-Din Tusi’s Theory of Affection-Justice and Its Role in Social Control769410352410.22059/jstmt.2025.396763.1799FASeyyed PouyaRasoulinejadAssistant Professor of Islamic Social Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.AkbarShahbaziMaster's student in Muslim Social Sciences, University of TehranJournal Article20250404This study investigates Khwaja Nasir al-Din Tusi’s affection-justice theory and its application in social control. Through qualitative content analysis of Tusi’s works and related sources, the findings reveal that he developed a comprehensive framework for regulating social relations by intelligently integrating affection as an internal mechanism of control with justice as an external one. Tusi’s affection-justice model not only ensures order and stability but also fosters a balanced and harmonious society by reducing reliance on coercion and emphasizing human bonds. Affection, as an intrinsic and spontaneous force, promotes social solidarity through emotional relationships in an organic manner, while justice guarantees the structural order of society. With its dual emphasis on emotional and structural dimensions, alongside cultural adaptability, this theory offers a native framework for analyzing and designing social control systems in Islamic societies. The study demonstrates that Tusi’s theory has strong potential to address contemporary challenges of social control and may be applied to issues such as reducing deviance, strengthening social capital, and managing conflicts.This study investigates Khwaja Nasir al-Din Tusi’s affection-justice theory and its application in social control. Through qualitative content analysis of Tusi’s works and related sources, the findings reveal that he developed a comprehensive framework for regulating social relations by intelligently integrating affection as an internal mechanism of control with justice as an external one. Tusi’s affection-justice model not only ensures order and stability but also fosters a balanced and harmonious society by reducing reliance on coercion and emphasizing human bonds. Affection, as an intrinsic and spontaneous force, promotes social solidarity through emotional relationships in an organic manner, while justice guarantees the structural order of society. With its dual emphasis on emotional and structural dimensions, alongside cultural adaptability, this theory offers a native framework for analyzing and designing social control systems in Islamic societies. The study demonstrates that Tusi’s theory has strong potential to address contemporary challenges of social control and may be applied to issues such as reducing deviance, strengthening social capital, and managing conflicts.https://jstmt.ut.ac.ir/article_103524_4ccc64cecc4fd1898a91a6b8c5545d03.pdfUniversity Of Tehran PressSocial Theories of Muslim Thinkers2538-524015320250923Foundational Requirements for Cultural Governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran: Insights from the Ayatollah KhameneiFoundational Requirements for Cultural Governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran: Insights from the Ayatollah Khamenei9511510392210.22059/jstmt.2025.388641.1766FASadeghAkbari AghdamPhD Student in Cultural Policy, Kharazmi University, Tehran, Iran.ShahlaBagheriProfessor of Sociology, Kharazmi University, Tehran, Iran.Seyed SaeidZahed ZahedaniAssociate Professor of Socioloigy, Shiraz University, Shiraz, Iran.Journal Article20250113This study examines the foundational requirements for cultural governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei. Employing a qualitative approach, the research utilizes thematic analysis of the Supreme Leader’s statements on culture and cultural governance. The purposively selected corpus includes texts and speeches addressing cultural issues, governance, and related concepts. Findings indicate that the cornerstone of Iran’s cultural governance model is the popularization of Islamic culture, structured around two principal components: Islamic guidance of culture and public participation in cultural affairs. Five enabling requirements underpin this model: (1) optimal attitudinal and performance indicators, (2) cultural management, (3) cultural engineering, (4) cultural discourse-making, and (5) institutionalization of divine governance indicators, which encompass Islam-centered, people-centered, culture-centered, Imam-centered, law-abiding, justice-oriented, awareness-driven, responsible, unity-promoting, and dignified governance. The ultimate outcome is the personal and social elevation of individuals and society. This framework is recommended as a guiding macro-structure for cultural policymaking, contributing to the advancement of a new Islamic civilization.This study examines the foundational requirements for cultural governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei. Employing a qualitative approach, the research utilizes thematic analysis of the Supreme Leader’s statements on culture and cultural governance. The purposively selected corpus includes texts and speeches addressing cultural issues, governance, and related concepts. Findings indicate that the cornerstone of Iran’s cultural governance model is the popularization of Islamic culture, structured around two principal components: Islamic guidance of culture and public participation in cultural affairs. Five enabling requirements underpin this model: (1) optimal attitudinal and performance indicators, (2) cultural management, (3) cultural engineering, (4) cultural discourse-making, and (5) institutionalization of divine governance indicators, which encompass Islam-centered, people-centered, culture-centered, Imam-centered, law-abiding, justice-oriented, awareness-driven, responsible, unity-promoting, and dignified governance. The ultimate outcome is the personal and social elevation of individuals and society. This framework is recommended as a guiding macro-structure for cultural policymaking, contributing to the advancement of a new Islamic civilization.https://jstmt.ut.ac.ir/article_103922_a6c0620249301357de2e5c1f6d4c29af.pdfUniversity Of Tehran PressSocial Theories of Muslim Thinkers2538-524015320250923A Comparative Study of the Origin of Sovereignty from the Perspective of Mohammad Hossein Tabataba'i and Thomas HobbesA Comparative Study of the Origin of Sovereignty from the Perspective of Mohammad Hossein Tabataba'i and Thomas Hobbes11613010356410.22059/jstmt.2025.379581.1726FAElaheMarandiAssociate Professor, Department of Law, Faculty of Social Sciences and Economics, Alzahra University, Tehran,
Iran.ZahrasadatHejaziMA in Public Law, Allameh Tabatabai University, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20240720The endeavor to ascertain the cause and origin of sovereignty is among the issues that have engaged political philosophers. Mohammad Hossein Tabataba’i and Thomas Hobbes offer similar interpretations of humanity and social life, and the origin of sovereignty is derived from their theories. In this research, employing an exploratory-descriptive methodology, the question of "What is the origin of sovereignty from the perspectives of Mohammad Hossein Tabataba’i and Hobbes?" has been investigated. The research findings indicate that Hobbes, emphasizing the natural and equal rights of humans, seeks to formulate a theory concerning right, power, and the connection between right and power. He locates the origin in the social contract and the necessity of absolute security. The Hobbesian human is one devoid of social bonds, dominated by instinctive and irrational forces, existing in a savage state (state of nature) from which there is no escape except through a conditional social contract in favor of a third party (the Sovereign), entailing the surrender of all rights and authorities. From Tabataba’i’s perspective, humans are inevitably bound to social life, which is founded upon a practical contract—namely, the contract of mutual employment and social justice. In his view, early humans were under the influence of natural forces, and the dominion of these natural forces encompassed even reason. However, through social progression, reason attains perfection, is reinforced by revelation and prophethood, and comes to govern the natural forces. The findings reveal that the fundamental difference in the anthropology and legal philosophy of these two thinkers leads to two distinct analyses of politics and government. The results of this research can contribute to the development of a comparative understanding of Islamic and Western political philosophy.The endeavor to ascertain the cause and origin of sovereignty is among the issues that have engaged political philosophers. Mohammad Hossein Tabataba’i and Thomas Hobbes offer similar interpretations of humanity and social life, and the origin of sovereignty is derived from their theories. In this research, employing an exploratory-descriptive methodology, the question of "What is the origin of sovereignty from the perspectives of Mohammad Hossein Tabataba’i and Hobbes?" has been investigated. The research findings indicate that Hobbes, emphasizing the natural and equal rights of humans, seeks to formulate a theory concerning right, power, and the connection between right and power. He locates the origin in the social contract and the necessity of absolute security. The Hobbesian human is one devoid of social bonds, dominated by instinctive and irrational forces, existing in a savage state (state of nature) from which there is no escape except through a conditional social contract in favor of a third party (the Sovereign), entailing the surrender of all rights and authorities. From Tabataba’i’s perspective, humans are inevitably bound to social life, which is founded upon a practical contract—namely, the contract of mutual employment and social justice. In his view, early humans were under the influence of natural forces, and the dominion of these natural forces encompassed even reason. However, through social progression, reason attains perfection, is reinforced by revelation and prophethood, and comes to govern the natural forces. The findings reveal that the fundamental difference in the anthropology and legal philosophy of these two thinkers leads to two distinct analyses of politics and government. The results of this research can contribute to the development of a comparative understanding of Islamic and Western political philosophy.https://jstmt.ut.ac.ir/article_103564_51d560f8cff994d3f62ad682644a9695.pdfUniversity Of Tehran PressSocial Theories of Muslim Thinkers2538-524015320250923The Role of Arabism in the Literary Interpretation of the Holy Qur’an: A Critical Study of Amīn al-Khūlī, Naṣr Ḥāmid Abū Zayd, and Mohammed ArkounThe Role of Arabism in the Literary Interpretation of the Holy Qur’an: A Critical Study of Amīn al-Khūlī, Naṣr Ḥāmid Abū Zayd, and Mohammed Arkoun13115010422610.22059/jstmt.2025.352667.1577FAMoslemTaheri KalkoshvandiAssistant Professor, Faculty of Theology, Farabi College, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.ZahrasadatKeshavarzPhD in Shiite History, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran.Journal Article20221218The present article aims to examine the position of Arabism in the interpretive encounter with the Holy Qur’an in contemporary Islamic thought by focusing on three prominent thinkers in this field. The study adopts a descriptive-analytical method. The literary approach to Qur’anic interpretation represents one of the most influential intellectual movements in contemporary Arab thought. This approach was pioneered by thinkers such as Muhammad Abduh, Taha Hussein, Amin al-Khouli, Shukri Muhammad Ayyad, Bint al-Shati, and later developed by their students, including Muhammad Ahmad Khalafullah, Mahdi Allam, and Nasr Hamed Abu Zayd. The central claim of this movement is that the Qur’an is the greatest literary work that has immortalized the Arabic language. Consequently, the primary purpose of Qur’anic interpretation should not be viewed as the pursuit of understanding, guidance, or divine mercy for humanity. Rather, the Qur’an should be approached as a cultural phenomenon. This perspective reduces the status of the Holy Qur’an from a revealed book—traditionally regarded in Islamic civilization as an active guide for realizing humanity’s divine potential—to a cultural artifact that merely reflects the characteristics of Arab-Islamic civilization. It suggests that the study of this divine book is not a matter of faith, but rather a literary endeavor open to any Arabic speaker or anyone interested in the Arabic language. Accordingly, individuals are free to approach the Qur’an from their own standpoint and pursue their personal intellectual purposes. The main objective of this article is to explore the role of the cultural features of Arabism in the interpretive engagement with the Holy Qur’an and to critically assess the implications of such an approach.The present article aims to examine the position of Arabism in the interpretive encounter with the Holy Qur’an in contemporary Islamic thought by focusing on three prominent thinkers in this field. The study adopts a descriptive-analytical method. The literary approach to Qur’anic interpretation represents one of the most influential intellectual movements in contemporary Arab thought. This approach was pioneered by thinkers such as Muhammad Abduh, Taha Hussein, Amin al-Khouli, Shukri Muhammad Ayyad, Bint al-Shati, and later developed by their students, including Muhammad Ahmad Khalafullah, Mahdi Allam, and Nasr Hamed Abu Zayd. The central claim of this movement is that the Qur’an is the greatest literary work that has immortalized the Arabic language. Consequently, the primary purpose of Qur’anic interpretation should not be viewed as the pursuit of understanding, guidance, or divine mercy for humanity. Rather, the Qur’an should be approached as a cultural phenomenon. This perspective reduces the status of the Holy Qur’an from a revealed book—traditionally regarded in Islamic civilization as an active guide for realizing humanity’s divine potential—to a cultural artifact that merely reflects the characteristics of Arab-Islamic civilization. It suggests that the study of this divine book is not a matter of faith, but rather a literary endeavor open to any Arabic speaker or anyone interested in the Arabic language. Accordingly, individuals are free to approach the Qur’an from their own standpoint and pursue their personal intellectual purposes. The main objective of this article is to explore the role of the cultural features of Arabism in the interpretive engagement with the Holy Qur’an and to critically assess the implications of such an approach.https://jstmt.ut.ac.ir/article_104226_3cf60a102c36b52e1fe5875bc2c78662.pdf